It is in the nature of officials of high moral standing to be poor politicians, and above all, in the political sense of the word, to be irresponsible politicians. In this sense, they are politicians of low moral standing, such as we unfortunately have had again and again in leading positions. Since the time of the constitutional state, and definitely since democracy has been established, the demagogue has been the typical political leader in the West.
Like Athenian demagogues of yesterday, from which we get the name, demagogues make use of oratory, to a tremendous extent, if one considers the election speeches a modern candidate has to deliver. Naturally every politician of consequence has needed influence over the press and hence has needed relations with the press. The most modern forms of party organizations are the children of democracy, of mass franchise, of the necessity to woo and organize the masses, and develop the utmost unity of direction and the strictest discipline.
Professional politicians outside the parliaments take the organization in hand. Formally, a far-going democratization takes place. The parliamentary party no longer creates the authoritative programs, and the local notables no longer decide the selection of candidates. Rather assemblies of the organized party members select the candidates and delegate members to the assemblies of a higher order. Possibly there are several such conventions leading up to the national convention of the party.
Naturally power actually rests in the hands of those who, within the organization, handle the work continuously. Otherwise, power rests in the hands of those on whom the organization in its processes depends financially or personally.
The person whom the machine follows now becomes the leader. The party members, following above all the party official and party entrepreneur, naturally expect personal compensation from the victory of their leader — that is, offices or other advantages.
Ideally, one of their mainsprings is the satisfaction of working with loyal personal devotion for a leader, and not merely for an abstract program of a party consisting of mediocrities. Such machinery requires a considerable personnel. In England there are about 2, persons who live directly off party politics. To be sure, those who are active in politics purely as job seekers or as interested persons are far more numerous, especially in local politics.
Now then, what has been the effect of this whole system? How does the selection of these strong leaders take place? At the present time, often purely emotional means are used. What does this spoils system, the turning over of federal offices to the following of the victorious candidate, mean for the party formations of today?
The parties are simply and absolutely fashioned for the election campaign that is most important for office patronage: the fight for the presidency and for the governorships of the separate states. Platforms and candidates are selected at the national conventions of the parties. In America, the spoils system, supported in this fashion, has been technically possible because American culture with its youth could afford purely dilettante management. With , to , such party men who have no qualifications to their credit other than the fact of having performed good services for their party, this state of affairs could not exist without enormous evils.
A corruption and wastefulness second to none could be tolerated only by a country with as yet unlimited economic opportunities. Now then, the boss is the figure who appears in the picture of this system of the plebiscitarian party machine. Who is the boss? He is a political capitalist entrepreneur who on his own account and at his own risk provides votes. He may have established his first relations as a lawyer or a saloonkeeper or as a proprietor of similar establishments, or perhaps as a creditor.
From here he spins his threads out until he is able to control a certain number of votes. The boss is indispensable to the organization of the party and the organization is centralized in his hands.
He substantially provides the financial means. How does he get them? Well, partly by the contributions of the members, and especially by taxing the salaries of those officials who came into office through him and his party. Furthermore, there are bribes and tips.
But this alone is not enough to accumulate the necessary capital for political enterprises. The boss is indispensable as the direct recipient of the money of great financial magnates, who would not entrust their money for election purposes to a paid party official, or to anyone else giving public account of his affairs. The boss, with his judicious discretion in financial matters, is the natural man for those capitalist circles who finance the election.
The typical boss is an absolutely sober man. In contrast to the English leader, the American boss works in the dark. He is not heard speaking in public; he suggests to the speakers what they must say in expedient fashion. He himself, however, keeps silent. The boss has no firm political principles; he is completely unprincipled in attitude and asks merely: What will capture votes?
Frequently he is a rather poorly educated man. But as a rule, he leads an inoffensive and correct private life. In his political morals, however, he naturally adjusts to the average ethical standards of political conduct. Thus, there exists a strong capitalist party machine, strictly and thoroughly organized from top to bottom, and supported by political clubs of extraordinary stability.
These clubs, such as Tammany Hall, are like Knight orders. They seek profits solely through political control, especially of the municipal government, which is the most important object of booty.
This structure of party life was made possible by the high degree of democracy in the United States. As the US gets older, however, the basis for this system is gradually dying out. America can no longer be governed only by dilettantes. Today one cannot yet see in any way how the management of politics as a vocation, or profession, will shape itself.
Even less can one see along what avenue opportunities are opening to which political talents can be put for satisfactory political tasks.
The career of politics grants a feeling of power. But now the question for them is: Through what qualities can we hope to do justice to this power however narrowly circumscribed it may be in the individual case?
How can we hope to do justice to the responsibility that power imposes upon us? With this we enter the field of ethical questions, for that is where the problem belongs: What kind of person must one be who is to be allowed to put their hand on the wheel of history?
The latter takes into account the consequences of any action. Reaching a balance between the two is ideal for Weber. That disillusionment with politicians makes sense in view of his general views raised by Loewenstein. To take a stand, to be passionate. Harvey Goldman links Weber with author Thomas Mann on this basis. Politics and Power Weber begins, very broadly, by stating the type of politics he will be addressing. Characteristics of a Politician The final topic Weber covers concerns the ethics that a politician, especially a leader, must possess to govern effectively.
Rodney Livingstone Indianapolis: Hackett, , pp. David Owen and Tracy B. Strong, trans. Rodney Livingstone. Indianapolis: Hackett Company, , p. APA 6th ed. Note: Citations are based on reference standards. However, formatting rules can vary widely between applications and fields of interest or study.
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